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Writer's pictureOmar Imady

Syria ... Freedom


May peace, freedom, and respect for human dignity and worth spread throughout Syria.


The Damascene Reformer*


Damascene reformers are men and women who have mastered that

impossible equation of trying to do something meaningful in a

country where no change can be introduced without the prior

approval of the security apparatus. Lawyers, western-educated

doctors, religious scholars, economists, engineers, and teachers; I

have memory upon memory of listening to them, observing them

and, above all, noticing over time the changes, subtle yet significant,

that they were remarkably able to introduce.


In the minds of Damascene reformers, the map was always clear.

There were four possible paths that could be pursued in Syria, and

only one of them promised a meaningful harvest. The first option

was to become one of those Syrians who were willing to do anything

that would result in wealth, power, and status. The second was to

become a member of the opposition, and since all opposition was

treated as criminal and treacherous, it was a willingness that had to

take into account the repercussions, not only for the individuals who

choose this path, but also those associated with them. The third path

was, in essence, to survive—to do nothing other than those aspects

of daily life that didn’t mean anything to anyone.


And then, finally, there was the fourth path. The path of those

adamant at introducing meaningful changes to what appeared to be

a meaningless setup. The path of allaying the regime’s security fears

and then proceeding to work quietly in the shadows. The path of

signing an agreement, as it were, with the security pillars of the

regime:


We will not work against you. We will say those things you like us

to say in public. We will even allow others to regard us as your

supporters. But in return, you will allow us to truly work for this

country in a manner that reflects our own values and moral

sensibility. And you will allow us to do so outside the framework of

your politicised institutions. Furthermore, we will accept that we

will be regularly harassed, especially when our achievements

become too noticeable. You will harass us, yes, but you will not

eliminate us.


This, in essence, was the operational philosophy of Damascene

reformers and their counterparts in Aleppo, Homs, Latakia and other

Syrian urban centres. It explained the choices they made, and it

provided the rationale for those choices.


Ask a random group of Syrian revolutionaries today how they

feel about those Damascenes who chose the fourth path described

above and the majority will respond by saying that this was the path

of cowards; the path of those who provided the regime with

legitimacy, and who taught Syrians to appease their oppressors. Not

only were they cowards for choosing this path, but they were also

cowards for having not spoken out in categorical terms against the

regime.


With every day that passes, not only is Syria further polarised

between the revolutionaries and regime loyalists, but also between

the reformers and the revolutionaries. It is the latter divide that

troubles me the most. My mind is cluttered with noise from both

sides. I can hear the revolutionaries scream: “How dare you be silent

when children are being killed?” And I can hear the reformers

respond: “If only screaming helped. You have been screaming for

over four years, and this tragedy has only become worse.”


The revolutionaries reflect the duality of their perception, the

black and white worldview that energises them. The reformers

reflect their complex lenses; it’s not just about what should be done,

it’s equally about when it must be done and how it must be done.

Stories come back to me. Stories I heard over and over again

about respecting the principle of time, about the price of harvesting

a field that isn’t ready, about the danger of unleashing a beast

without having the power to effectively subdue it. But these

reformist principles, wise and insightful as they felt at the time,

cannot change the fact that it must be extremely difficult to be a

Damascene reformer today.


To be a Damascene reformer is to watch over 40 years of planting—

of development, education, and infrastructure—burn within the

flames of TNT bombs and mortar shells.

To be a Damascene reformer is to watch a war glorified by both

sides that has killed hundreds of thousands, and created wounds in

Syrian society that may take decades to heal.

To be a Damascene reformer is to watch the enlightened, spiritual,

moderate Islam, so carefully sculpted since Syria gained

independence, handed over to those who regard beheading as the

grand symbol of their medieval cult.


And finally, to be a Damascene reformer is to stand for the very first

time stripped of the capacity to even contemplate reform; watching

the country being torn at its seams, and waiting for the day when the

last of the reformers will finally be eliminated for daring to believe

that reform was ever possible.


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